Abstract
This blog post examines the relationship between Afghanistan’s dominant ethnic group, the Pashtuns, and the historically marginalized Hazaras. Drawing from history, literature, and sociological theories, this study investigates how religion, social status, and physical appearance have fostered systemic discrimination. The analysis focuses on the nature of interactions (largely negative) between these communities and explores how those interactions have shaped the Hazara identity and experience. Special attention is paid to the psychological, cultural, and societal impacts of this dynamic. with references to Afghanistan’s socio-political history. The article concludes by offering targeted recommendations to improve interethnic relations in a country struggling to reconcile with its diverse identity
Introduction
Afghanistan is often portrayed as a mosaic of ethnicities, cultures, and traditions. Yet beneath this image of diversity lies a complex and painful history of inequality, particularly between the dominant Pashtun group and the oppressed Hazara minority. The two communities differ across critical identity markers: religion, language, physical appearance, culture, and historical status. The Pashtuns, predominantly Sunni Muslims, have traditionally wielded political, military, and economic power in Afghanistan. In contrast, the Hazaras, largely Shia Muslims of Mongolian descent, have endured decades of discrimination, exclusion, and violence. These interactions are shaped not merely by interpersonal prejudice but by deep rooted structural racism, reinforced by political regimes and extremist ideologies. The legacy of this inequality continues to shape the national psyche and threatens Afghanistan’s stability as a pluralistic state.
Brief History
The systematic oppression of Hazaras by Pashtuns dates back to the late 19th century under the rule of Amir Abdur Rahman Khan. In 1891, the Amir declared a war against the Hazaras, motivated both by their refusal to submit to central control and their distinct religious and ethnic identity. This campaign lasted until 1893 and led to the death of approximately 62% of the Hazara population. Survivors were stripped of their ancestral lands in the Hazara populated region and subjected to enslavement and exile. This genocide established a pattern of structural marginalization that would define Hazara life for generations to come. Through the 20th century, the Hazaras remained confined to the mountainous central region of Hazarajat, economically isolated and socially excluded. Education and political participation were deliberately withheld from them. Their ethnic identity, marked by Central Asian features and Shi'aa religious practices, was used as a justification for persecution, often reinforced by the ruling Pashtun elite who viewed Hazaras as foreign and inferior.
Discussion
The primary religious distinction between the two groups is that Pashtuns follow Sunni Islam, while most Hazaras adhere to Shia Islam. This divide has often served as an excuse for violence. Extremist Sunni ideologies, particularly those embraced by the Taliban, have branded the Hazaras as infidels or disbelievers. The Taliban regime of the 1990s engaged in numerous massacres of Hazara civilians, such as the 1998 killings in Mazar, where thousands were murdered in what many international observers recognized as war crimes. The return of the Taliban in 2021 revived this religiously justified violence, with reports of Hazara homes being seized and families being forcibly evicted or executed.
Pashtuns are deemed as the upper social class in Afghanistan. This dominance manifests in disproportionate access to government positions, military leadership, education, and economic opportunity. Pashtunwali, the traditional Pashtun code, frames societal norms and reinforces ethno-political control. The Hazaras, by contrast, have historically been locked out of these spaces. For decades, they were forbidden from owning land outside Hazara dominated region, denied formal education, and excluded from political participation.
The Hazaras distinct Turkic Mongol features, such as broader faces, slanted eyes, and lighter complexions, have often made them targets of racism. These features, starkly different from the Iranic appearances of most Pashtuns and Tajiks, are exploited as visible markers of difference. Hazaras are mocked as “Chinese” or “Mongol,” linking them to the historical invasion of Genghis Khan and reducing them to caricatures of foreignness. This racialization goes beyond teasing, it is used to justify violence. Despite centuries of oppression, the Hazara community has developed a strong sense of cultural pride. Hazara poetry, music, and oral storytelling often reflect the themes of survival, resistance, and longing. Their dialect of Farsi has some Turkic and Mongolic elements, further enriching Afghanistan in culture. However, cultural expression often faces violent suppression. The destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas by the Taliban in 2001 was not a rational attack, it was done to erase the cultural identity of Hazaras.
Despite centuries of oppression, the Hazara community has developed a strong sense of cultural pride. Hazara poetry, music, and oral storytelling often reflect themes of survival, resistance, and longing. Their dialect of Hazara Farsi incorporates Turkic and Mongolic elements, further enriching Afghanistan’s linguistic landscape. Hazara women, in particular, have made remarkable strides in education and civic activism, often leading local NGOs and schools in Bamiyan and Kabul. However, cultural expression often faces violent suppression.
Moreover, the long standing oppression of Hazaras has had deep psychological consequences. Hazara youth grow up internalizing societal disdain, often feeling alienated within their own country. Racism and violence have led to collective trauma within the Hazara community, compounded by the fear of targeted attacks and systemic neglect.
A Summary
The interaction between Pashtuns and Hazaras in Afghanistan is overwhelmingly shaped by a legacy of violence, exclusion, and racialized oppression. Rooted in religious differences, physical distinctions, and structural power imbalances, this dynamic has stifled the development of a unified Afghan identity. While the Hazaras have shown remarkable resilience through cultural expression and political engagement, their continued marginalization reflects the failure of Afghanistan’s leadership to embrace its ethnic diversity as a strength rather than a threat.
To improve the relationship between Pashtuns and Hazaras, Afghanistan needs to take serious steps that go beyond just temporary solutions. One way to build understanding is by encouraging interethnic marriages. These marriages can help bring the two groups closer together by forming family ties, which can break down stereotypes and help people see each other as individuals, not enemies. Another important step is to change the school curriculum. Right now, Afghan schools mainly teach history from the perspective of the majority groups like the Pashtuns, and often ignore or overlook Hazara history and culture. Teaching students about the Hazaras’ past, like the massacres under Abdur Rahman Khan, or their peaceful efforts to rebuild the country after 2001, can help young people learn about and respect Afghanistan’s diversity from an early age.
Furthermore, the government should make sure that Hazaras have equal chances to be leaders in politics, the military, the courts, and other important areas. Right now, even though a few Hazaras are in the government, most leadership positions are still held by the majority groups. Fair representation would give the Hazara community more power to speak up for their needs and help them feel more included in national decisions. Instead of always focusing on ethnic differences, Afghan society should start paying more attention to the problems that affect everyone, like poverty, lack of education, and the need to rebuild a country torn apart by war. When people see that they are all struggling with the same issues, they are more likely to work together.
Outside Afghanistan, many Hazaras have gained access to higher education and public platforms that allow them to challenge the narrow, often degrading stereotypes that exist back home. In Canada, for instance, Hazara students and professionals have begun sharing their history, culture, and personal achievements through public talks, online videos, and social media in both English and Dari, reaching younger Afghans worldwide. These efforts show that Hazaras are not weak or inferior, as often portrayed, but capable leaders, artists, and scholars. In addition, diaspora-led events that unite different Afghan ethnic groups, such as Afghan cultural nights or community panels in Toronto and Melbourne, have shown that Pashtuns and Hazaras can collaborate and celebrate their identities without tension. This visibility is important because it counters the one-sided narrative dominant in Afghanistan’s media and textbooks. As more young Afghans in the country follow diaspora content online, these cross-ethnic examples offer a new model for coexistence, challenging the idea that Hazaras must remain marginalized.
Bibliography
1. Sajjad, S. M., & Askary, S. (2021, September 24). Afghanistan: The Hazara dread. Lowy Institute.
2. Encyclopaedia Britannica. (2025, January 11). Hazara.
3. United Nations Human Rights Council. (2008). Country report on religious minorities and gender integrity: Afghanistan. Refworld.
4. Hakimi, M. J. (2023). Relentless atrocities: The persecution of Hazaras. Michigan Journal of International Law
5. Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). Persecution of Hazaras. Wikipedia.
6. Hucal, S. (2016, June 27). Afghanistan: Who are the Hazaras? Al Jazeera.
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